BY:&nbsp;<a href="https://stateline.org/author/thenderson/">TIM HENDERSON</a> <a href="https://stateline.org/">Stateline</a>

Many policies are symbolic, meant to reassure residents that the city isn’t taking part in immigration enforcement.

Even as the Trump administration criticizes state and local sanctuary policies as an impediment to its deportation aims, officials touting the policies are finding there isn’t much they can do to prevent immigration arrests.

Some states and counties are nonetheless defending their sanctuary policies as a way to slow arrests, especially for purely immigration-related offenses, and to assure residents that local leaders are not taking part in the Trump administration’s deportation plans.

Localities in Connecticut, Oregon and Washington joined a&nbsp;<a href="https://www.sfcityattorney.org/2025/02/07/san-francisco-leads-lawsuit-protecting-sanctuary-jurisdictions-from-illegal-federal-overreach/" target="_blank">February lawsuit</a>&nbsp;led by the city and county of San Francisco and Santa Clara County in California against a Trump administration executive order calling for defunding cities with sanctuary policies, calling the order “illegal and authoritarian.” California is also&nbsp;<a href="https://calmatters.org/justice/2024/12/sanctuary-cities-san-diego-letter/" target="_blank">preparing to defend</a>&nbsp;its state policies limiting cooperation with immigration authorities, based on a 2017 law that withstood a court challenge under the first Trump administration.

The laws under scrutiny generally limit cooperation with federal immigration authorities. The policies either prevent local officials from holding prisoners for immigration arrests or, alternatively, from notifying immigration authorities what time prisoners will be released, so federal agents can arrest them on immigration charges that could lead to deportation. There are generally exceptions for some serious crimes.

Chicago, Philadelphia and Seattle — all high-profile sanctuary locations — are among the cities that have seen&nbsp;<a href="https://www.nbcnews.com/news/us-news/are-cities-ice-raids-are-taking-place-rcna189390" target="_blank">Immigration and Customs Enforcement arrests</a>.

ICE can always find other ways to arrest a person, but it’s harder without local cooperation.

“You’re adding to the time and expense and resources ICE needs,” said Kathleen Bush-Joseph, a policy analyst for the Migration Policy Institute, a Washington, D.C., think tank devoted to immigration policy.

She noted a 2018&nbsp;<a href="https://www.cato.org/blog/california-trust-act-reduced-deportations" target="_blank">report</a>&nbsp;from the CATO Institute, a libertarian think tank, suggesting that deportations fell in California after a 2013 law limited cooperation with ICE for minor and immigration crimes, though they later rose again.

“There is suggestive evidence that sanctuary policies reduce deportations but many reasons to also be skeptical of big effects,” the report concluded.

Most deportation arrests happen when ICE agents get fingerprint records from jails, whether run by city governments or independently elected sheriffs as they are in many counties, and identify people subject to court deportation orders. All jails regardless of sanctuary policy send the fingerprints for federal background checks during the booking process.

Still, federal officials complain that sanctuary policies can force them to arrest people on the street where it’s more dangerous and time-consuming than a transfer of custody inside a jail.

That happened recently in heavily Democratic Tompkins County in upstate New York, where the county and the city of Ithaca reaffirmed their sanctuary policies after criticism by the Trump administration.

A man who had been held in the county’s jail since 2023 was released on a judge’s order in late January, before ICE agents could arrive to arrest him for deportation. Several agencies, including state police, later arrested him in a parking lot in a show of force, according to&nbsp;<a href="https://cnycentral.com/news/local/federal-government-challenges-ithacas-sanctuary-city-policy-with-arrest" target="_blank">local press accounts</a>.

The 27-year-old man, a citizen of Mexico, had been identified for deportation in early January because he had returned to the United States after being deported seven times in 2016. He pleaded guilty to charges of assaulting a police officer and a jail guard and was sentenced to time served.

After the ICE arrest, acting U.S. Deputy Attorney General Emil Bove criticized the county, writing in a Jan. 30&nbsp;<a href="https://www.justice.gov/opa/pr/violent-illegal-alien-arrested-after-release-local-jail-despite-federal-arrest-warrant" target="_blank">statement</a>: “We will use every tool at our disposal to prevent sanctuary city policies from impeding and obstructing lawful federal operations designed to make America safe again.”

Tompkins County Attorney Maury Josephson, in a statement to Stateline, called Bove’s statement “false and offensive.” Josephson wrote that the sheriff, Derek Osborne, had notified ICE about the prisoner’s release and that federal agents “had every opportunity to come to the jail to obtain the individual in question without any need for a pursuit or other incident.”

Many sanctuary policies are mostly symbolic, meant to assure residents that the city isn’t taking part in federal immigration enforcement. Many policies say city employees will not ask about immigration status when people seek services.

Some sanctuary policies can help indirectly fight deportations by providing legal help and advice for immigrants on how to respond to questions from federal agents, said Jennifer Ibañez Whitlock, a supervisory policy and practice counsel for the American Immigration Lawyers Association.

“There have been some steps forward in creating an immigration public defender system, but it’s not available at the federal level yet,” Ibañez Whitlock said. That can make it tricky when an immigration prisoner is moved to another state for detention, and they could lose their legal representation, she said.

Sanctuary policies also aim to improve public safety by assuring immigrants it’s safe for them to report and help investigate crimes. Often the policies forbid asking questions about immigration status for people seeking services.

“For us it’s simple. We are striving to create a culture of trust and security within our communities so that our residents know that they can come to the county when they are in need or when they can be of help,” said Tony LoPresti, county counsel for Santa Clara County, California, during a news conference announcing the San Francisco lawsuit this month.

“That includes feeling safe coming to local law enforcement to report crimes or to participate in investigations without fearing that they or their loved ones face deportation,” LoPresti added.

<figure>
 <img src="https://media.eaglewebservices.com/public/2025/2/1740147958319.png" alt="U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents arrest a man from Venezuela in Miami in February after a wire fraud conviction. As the Trump administration attacks local sanctuary policies, some states and local governments continue to do what little they can to protect some immigrants from deportation. (Courtesy of Miami ICE Enforcement &amp; Removal Operations office)" />
 <figcaption>U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents arrest a man from Venezuela in Miami in February after a wire fraud conviction. As the Trump administration attacks local sanctuary policies, some states and local governments continue to do what little they can to protect some immigrants from deportation. (Courtesy of Miami ICE Enforcement &amp; Removal Operations office)</figcaption>
 </figure>BY:&nbsp;<a href="https://stateline.org/author/thenderson/">TIM HENDERSON</a> <a href="https://stateline.org/">Stateline</a><h2>Many policies are symbolic, meant to reassure residents that the city isn’t taking part in immigration enforcement.</h2>Even as the Trump administration criticizes state and local sanctuary policies as an impediment to its deportation aims, officials touting the policies are finding there isn’t much they can do to prevent immigration arrests.Some states and counties are nonetheless defending their sanctuary policies as a way to slow arrests, especially for purely immigration-related offenses, and to assure residents that local leaders are not taking part in the Trump administration’s deportation plans.Localities in Connecticut, Oregon and Washington joined a&nbsp;<a href="https://www.sfcityattorney.org/2025/02/07/san-francisco-leads-lawsuit-protecting-sanctuary-jurisdictions-from-illegal-federal-overreach/" target="_blank">February lawsuit</a>&nbsp;led by the city and county of San Francisco and Santa Clara County in California against a Trump administration executive order calling for defunding cities with sanctuary policies, calling the order “illegal and authoritarian.” California is also&nbsp;<a href="https://calmatters.org/justice/2024/12/sanctuary-cities-san-diego-letter/" target="_blank">preparing to defend</a>&nbsp;its state policies limiting cooperation with immigration authorities, based on a 2017 law that withstood a court challenge under the first Trump administration.The laws under scrutiny generally limit cooperation with federal immigration authorities. The policies either prevent local officials from holding prisoners for immigration arrests or, alternatively, from notifying immigration authorities what time prisoners will be released, so federal agents can arrest them on immigration charges that could lead to deportation. There are generally exceptions for some serious crimes.Chicago, Philadelphia and Seattle — all high-profile sanctuary locations — are among the cities that have seen&nbsp;<a href="https://www.nbcnews.com/news/us-news/are-cities-ice-raids-are-taking-place-rcna189390" target="_blank">Immigration and Customs Enforcement arrests</a>.ICE can always find other ways to arrest a person, but it’s harder without local cooperation.“You’re adding to the time and expense and resources ICE needs,” said Kathleen Bush-Joseph, a policy analyst for the Migration Policy Institute, a Washington, D.C., think tank devoted to immigration policy.She noted a 2018&nbsp;<a href="https://www.cato.org/blog/california-trust-act-reduced-deportations" target="_blank">report</a>&nbsp;from the CATO Institute, a libertarian think tank, suggesting that deportations fell in California after a 2013 law limited cooperation with ICE for minor and immigration crimes, though they later rose again.“There is suggestive evidence that sanctuary policies reduce deportations but many reasons to also be skeptical of big effects,” the report concluded.Most deportation arrests happen when ICE agents get fingerprint records from jails, whether run by city governments or independently elected sheriffs as they are in many counties, and identify people subject to court deportation orders. All jails regardless of sanctuary policy send the fingerprints for federal background checks during the booking process.Still, federal officials complain that sanctuary policies can force them to arrest people on the street where it’s more dangerous and time-consuming than a transfer of custody inside a jail.That happened recently in heavily Democratic Tompkins County in upstate New York, where the county and the city of Ithaca reaffirmed their sanctuary policies after criticism by the Trump administration.A man who had been held in the county’s jail since 2023 was released on a judge’s order in late January, before ICE agents could arrive to arrest him for deportation. Several agencies, including state police, later arrested him in a parking lot in a show of force, according to&nbsp;<a href="https://cnycentral.com/news/local/federal-government-challenges-ithacas-sanctuary-city-policy-with-arrest" target="_blank">local press accounts</a>.The 27-year-old man, a citizen of Mexico, had been identified for deportation in early January because he had returned to the United States after being deported seven times in 2016. He pleaded guilty to charges of assaulting a police officer and a jail guard and was sentenced to time served.After the ICE arrest, acting U.S. Deputy Attorney General Emil Bove criticized the county, writing in a Jan. 30&nbsp;<a href="https://www.justice.gov/opa/pr/violent-illegal-alien-arrested-after-release-local-jail-despite-federal-arrest-warrant" target="_blank">statement</a>: “We will use every tool at our disposal to prevent sanctuary city policies from impeding and obstructing lawful federal operations designed to make America safe again.”Tompkins County Attorney Maury Josephson, in a statement to Stateline, called Bove’s statement “false and offensive.” Josephson wrote that the sheriff, Derek Osborne, had notified ICE about the prisoner’s release and that federal agents “had every opportunity to come to the jail to obtain the individual in question without any need for a pursuit or other incident.”Many sanctuary policies are mostly symbolic, meant to assure residents that the city isn’t taking part in federal immigration enforcement. Many policies say city employees will not ask about immigration status when people seek services.Some sanctuary policies can help indirectly fight deportations by providing legal help and advice for immigrants on how to respond to questions from federal agents, said Jennifer Ibañez Whitlock, a supervisory policy and practice counsel for the American Immigration Lawyers Association.“There have been some steps forward in creating an immigration public defender system, but it’s not available at the federal level yet,” Ibañez Whitlock said. That can make it tricky when an immigration prisoner is moved to another state for detention, and they could lose their legal representation, she said.Sanctuary policies also aim to improve public safety by assuring immigrants it’s safe for them to report and help investigate crimes. Often the policies forbid asking questions about immigration status for people seeking services.“For us it’s simple. We are striving to create a culture of trust and security within our communities so that our residents know that they can come to the county when they are in need or when they can be of help,” said Tony LoPresti, county counsel for Santa Clara County, California, during a news conference announcing the San Francisco lawsuit this month.“That includes feeling safe coming to local law enforcement to report crimes or to participate in investigations without fearing that they or their loved ones face deportation,” LoPresti added.

Even sanctuary policies can’t stop ICE arrests

BY:&nbsp;&nbsp;<a href="https://kansasreflector.com/author/tim-carpenter/">TIM CARPENTER</a>&nbsp;AND&nbsp;<a href="https://kansasreflector.com/author/sherman-smith/">SHERMAN SMITH</a> <a href="https://kansasreflector.com/2025/01/03/kansas-state-garden-city-cc-striving-to-shrink-bachelors-degree-educational-desert/?emci=8e6f56cf-3bca-ef11-88d0-0022482a9b45&amp;emdi=a9416bb1-82ca-ef11-88d0-0022482a9b45&amp;ceid=115039">Kansas Reflector</a>

TOPEKA — An intense confrontation between a Republican and Democrat on the Kansas House floor Thursday during a gun debate forced the chamber into a two-hour recess as leadership worked to deescalate tensions.

Democrats accused&nbsp;Rep. Nick Hoheisel, a Wichita Republican, of trying to start a fight with Rep. Ford Carr, a Wichita Democrat, by launching obscenities at Carr. The confrontation took place at Carr’s desk on the House floor.

The incident happened during debate over&nbsp;<a href="https://www.kslegislature.gov/li/b2025_26/measures/hb2104/" target="_blank">House Bill 2104,</a>&nbsp;which would require school districts to implement an NRA program known as Eddie Eagle in public elementary schools, starting in kindergarten, if the schools want to teach gun safety. It was among dozens of bills the House has debated this week ahead of a deadline to advance legislation.

Rep. Kirk Haskins, a Topeka Democrat, interrupted legislators debating the NRA curriculum bill and called for a point of order, citing “a need for decorum.” Rep. John Carmichael, a Wichita Democrat, then came to the front of the House chamber and asked for Hoheisel to be admonished.

“While I did not observe everything that occurred, I heard exactly what happened,” Carmichael said. “The member strolled through the Democratic seats using profanity, and in my view, from what I heard, was attempting to incite a fight. And I ask that the member be admonished never to do that again.”

In an interview, Carmichael said Hoheisel thumped a finger on Carr’s desk and repeatedly said, “That’s bulls***.”

After House Republican leadership recessed the House to break the tension, House Democrats banned reporters from a secret meeting at the Capitol to discuss the situation. Kansas Reflector obtained an audio recording of that meeting, in which members raise concerns about Hoheisel’s behavior and whether he was carrying a gun.

Hoheisel declined to comment for this story but disputed claims made by Democrats.

“I’m not going to dignify any of those false and outlandish allegations with a response,” Hoheisel said in a text message.

Carr didn’t immediately respond to an email seeking comment, but in the secret meeting, he joked about his willingness to get in a fight. Last month, he shoved another Democratic legislator to the ground during a bar fracas with a Wichita councilman. Democrats laughed at the reference during their secret meeting.

“I know that side of the aisle, and they constantly vote for gun rights,” Carr said. “I also know that some of them carry guns. I have one in my office. There’s a strong possibility that that gun will be on my person unless something is done, right?”

Carr continued: “He got up, he came over to me, and he made attacks. I can’t honestly see how someone of his stature would feel comfortable making those kind of attacks at me” — he paused for laughter — “unless, of course, he feels like he has some sort of an equalizer. So at this point, I feel like I need to equal and level the playing field.”

Rep. Barbara Ballard, a Lawrence Democrat who runs House Democratic caucus meetings, said in the caucus meeting: “I understand what you’re saying along those lines, but what we’re asking is that we deescalate what happened.”

House Minority Leader Brandon Woodard, a Lenexa Democrat, told his caucus: “Everyone needs to breathe.”

“Him coming up to you on the floor and saying that s*** is bull****, but we can’t stoop to the low level of Republicans,” Woodard said during the closed meeting of Democrats.

Several Democrats, including Rep. Heather Meyer, an Overland Park Democrat, said they didn’t feel safe on the House floor.

Meyer asked her fellow Democrats “to remember that some of us have extensive, long-term trauma from gun violence, and we need to be chill.”

“This kind of talk makes me nervous, makes me not want to go back on the floor today, makes me want to go the f*** home,” Meyer said. “I am done with gun violence, and I just need you guys to remember that. Because I’m sitting here listening to this conversation thinking if I even want to be here, because it’s f***ing scary, and I am tired of being put in the line of fire.”

When the House reconvened, with a larger than usual Capitol Police presence on the floor, Republican leadership canceled the scheduled votes on the Eddie Eagle bill, as well as a proposed constitutional amendment that would assert a God-given right to own guns, ammunition and firearm accessories.

House Speaker Dan Hawkins, a Wichita Republican, and Woodard issued a joint statement on the “events that transpired on the House floor,” but didn’t respond to a request to explain what happened.

“The House of Representatives remains focused on the 2025 legislative session and completing the work we have been sent here to do,” they said in the joint statement. “The legislative session is an immense undertaking that requires a unified effort. We appreciate the continued dedication of our House members to the people of Kansas.”

Carmichael, who said he declined to participate in the meeting of House Democrats because it wasn’t open to the press, said Republican leadership did the right thing in the moment by shutting down debate and skipping over the gun bills.

“In the longer term,” Carmichael said, “leadership is going to have to have long conversations with some of their members.”

“I do not feel safe on the floor under these circumstances,” Carmichael added. “This situation with immature hotheads with guns on the floor needs to end.”

<figure>
 <img src="https://media.eaglewebservices.com/public/2025/2/1740238444068.png" alt=" Rep. Nick Hoheisel, R-Wichita, checks the voting board during an April 27, 2023, session of the House. (Sherman Smith/Kansas Reflector)" />
 <figcaption> Rep. Nick Hoheisel, R-Wichita, checks the voting board during an April 27, 2023, session of the House. (Sherman Smith/Kansas Reflector)</figcaption>
 </figure>BY:&nbsp;&nbsp;<a href="https://kansasreflector.com/author/tim-carpenter/">TIM CARPENTER</a>&nbsp;AND&nbsp;<a href="https://kansasreflector.com/author/sherman-smith/">SHERMAN SMITH</a> <a href="https://kansasreflector.com/2025/01/03/kansas-state-garden-city-cc-striving-to-shrink-bachelors-degree-educational-desert/?emci=8e6f56cf-3bca-ef11-88d0-0022482a9b45&amp;emdi=a9416bb1-82ca-ef11-88d0-0022482a9b45&amp;ceid=115039">Kansas Reflector</a>TOPEKA — An intense confrontation between a Republican and Democrat on the Kansas House floor Thursday during a gun debate forced the chamber into a two-hour recess as leadership worked to deescalate tensions.Democrats accused&nbsp;Rep. Nick Hoheisel, a Wichita Republican, of trying to start a fight with Rep. Ford Carr, a Wichita Democrat, by launching obscenities at Carr. The confrontation took place at Carr’s desk on the House floor.The incident happened during debate over&nbsp;<a href="https://www.kslegislature.gov/li/b2025_26/measures/hb2104/" target="_blank">House Bill 2104,</a>&nbsp;which would require school districts to implement an NRA program known as Eddie Eagle in public elementary schools, starting in kindergarten, if the schools want to teach gun safety. It was among dozens of bills the House has debated this week ahead of a deadline to advance legislation.Rep. Kirk Haskins, a Topeka Democrat, interrupted legislators debating the NRA curriculum bill and called for a point of order, citing “a need for decorum.” Rep. John Carmichael, a Wichita Democrat, then came to the front of the House chamber and asked for Hoheisel to be admonished.“While I did not observe everything that occurred, I heard exactly what happened,” Carmichael said. “The member strolled through the Democratic seats using profanity, and in my view, from what I heard, was attempting to incite a fight. And I ask that the member be admonished never to do that again.”In an interview, Carmichael said Hoheisel thumped a finger on Carr’s desk and repeatedly said, “That’s bulls***.”After House Republican leadership recessed the House to break the tension, House Democrats banned reporters from a secret meeting at the Capitol to discuss the situation. Kansas Reflector obtained an audio recording of that meeting, in which members raise concerns about Hoheisel’s behavior and whether he was carrying a gun.Hoheisel declined to comment for this story but disputed claims made by Democrats.“I’m not going to dignify any of those false and outlandish allegations with a response,” Hoheisel said in a text message.Carr didn’t immediately respond to an email seeking comment, but in the secret meeting, he joked about his willingness to get in a fight. Last month, he shoved another Democratic legislator to the ground during a bar fracas with a Wichita councilman. Democrats laughed at the reference during their secret meeting.“I know that side of the aisle, and they constantly vote for gun rights,” Carr said. “I also know that some of them carry guns. I have one in my office. There’s a strong possibility that that gun will be on my person unless something is done, right?”Carr continued: “He got up, he came over to me, and he made attacks. I can’t honestly see how someone of his stature would feel comfortable making those kind of attacks at me” — he paused for laughter — “unless, of course, he feels like he has some sort of an equalizer. So at this point, I feel like I need to equal and level the playing field.”Rep. Barbara Ballard, a Lawrence Democrat who runs House Democratic caucus meetings, said in the caucus meeting: “I understand what you’re saying along those lines, but what we’re asking is that we deescalate what happened.”House Minority Leader Brandon Woodard, a Lenexa Democrat, told his caucus: “Everyone needs to breathe.”“Him coming up to you on the floor and saying that s*** is bull****, but we can’t stoop to the low level of Republicans,” Woodard said during the closed meeting of Democrats.Several Democrats, including Rep. Heather Meyer, an Overland Park Democrat, said they didn’t feel safe on the House floor.Meyer asked her fellow Democrats “to remember that some of us have extensive, long-term trauma from gun violence, and we need to be chill.”“This kind of talk makes me nervous, makes me not want to go back on the floor today, makes me want to go the f*** home,” Meyer said. “I am done with gun violence, and I just need you guys to remember that. Because I’m sitting here listening to this conversation thinking if I even want to be here, because it’s f***ing scary, and I am tired of being put in the line of fire.”When the House reconvened, with a larger than usual Capitol Police presence on the floor, Republican leadership canceled the scheduled votes on the Eddie Eagle bill, as well as a proposed constitutional amendment that would assert a God-given right to own guns, ammunition and firearm accessories.House Speaker Dan Hawkins, a Wichita Republican, and Woodard issued a joint statement on the “events that transpired on the House floor,” but didn’t respond to a request to explain what happened.“The House of Representatives remains focused on the 2025 legislative session and completing the work we have been sent here to do,” they said in the joint statement. “The legislative session is an immense undertaking that requires a unified effort. We appreciate the continued dedication of our House members to the people of Kansas.”Carmichael, who said he declined to participate in the meeting of House Democrats because it wasn’t open to the press, said Republican leadership did the right thing in the moment by shutting down debate and skipping over the gun bills.“In the longer term,” Carmichael said, “leadership is going to have to have long conversations with some of their members.”“I do not feel safe on the floor under these circumstances,” Carmichael added. “This situation with immature hotheads with guns on the floor needs to end.”

‘Everyone needs to breathe’: Intense confrontation on Kansas House floor forces two-hour recess

VERNON COUNTY—Four people died in an accident just after 8p.m. Friday in Vernon County.

The Missouri State Highway Patrol reported a 2025 Toyota Corolla driven by a 49-year-old Camdenton man was southbound on southbound on U.S. 54 two miles south of Walker. The driver failed to stop at the stop sign.

An eastbound 2015 GMC Terrain driven by a 38-year-old Osceola man struck the Toyota. After impact the Toyota traveled off the road, struck a fence and a tree.

The driver of the SUV and three passenger in the Toyota identified as an 18-year-old Springfield woman, a 19-year-old Climax Springs woman and a 21-year-old Camdenton woman were pronounced dead at the scene.

EMS transported the driver of the Toyota to Freeman West in Joplin. A fourth passenger in the Toyota identified as a 38-year-old Camdenton woman and a 39-year-old female passenger in the SUV from Osceola were airlifted to area hospitals. EMS transported an 18-year-old woman and two 16-year-old females, all passengers in the SUV to Nevada Regional Hospital.

VERNON COUNTY—Four people died in an accident just after 8p.m. Friday in Vernon County.The Missouri State Highway Patrol reported a 2025 Toyota Corolla driven by a 49-year-old Camdenton man was southbound on southbound on U.S. 54 two miles south of Walker. The driver failed to stop at the stop sign.An eastbound 2015 GMC Terrain driven by a 38-year-old Osceola man struck the Toyota. After impact the Toyota traveled off the road, struck a fence and a tree.The driver of the SUV and three passenger in the Toyota identified as an 18-year-old Springfield woman, a 19-year-old Climax Springs woman and a 21-year-old Camdenton woman were pronounced dead at the scene.EMS transported the driver of the Toyota to Freeman West in Joplin. A fourth passenger in the Toyota identified as a 38-year-old Camdenton woman and a 39-year-old female passenger in the SUV from Osceola were airlifted to area hospitals. EMS transported an 18-year-old woman and two 16-year-old females, all passengers in the SUV to Nevada Regional Hospital.

4 dead after SUV, car crash on Missouri highway

SHAWNEE COUNTY—Law enforcement are investigating a suspect for an alleged violent crime.

Just after 3p.m. Feb. 20, police responded to the area of the 3400 Block of SE Indiana Avenue in Topeka for the report of a stabbing.

First responders located two individuals with non-life threatening injuries. These individuals were transported by ambulance to a local area hospital.

A short time later, an individual believed to be involved in the incident was located in the area. This individual, later identified as 58-year-old Bruce A. Bryant of Topeka was taken into custody and transported to the Law Enforcement Center to speak with Detectives.&nbsp;

As a result of the investigation, Bryant was arrested and booked into theShawnee County Department of Corrections on requested charges of Aggravated Battery.

<figure>
 <img src="https://media.eaglewebservices.com/public/2025/2/1740138279238.png" alt="Bryant photo Shawnee Co." />
 <figcaption>Bryant photo Shawnee Co.</figcaption>
 </figure>SHAWNEE COUNTY—Law enforcement are investigating a suspect for an alleged violent crime.Just after 3p.m. Feb. 20, police responded to the area of the 3400 Block of SE Indiana Avenue in Topeka for the report of a stabbing.First responders located two individuals with non-life threatening injuries. These individuals were transported by ambulance to a local area hospital.A short time later, an individual believed to be involved in the incident was located in the area. This individual, later identified as 58-year-old Bruce A. Bryant of Topeka was taken into custody and transported to the Law Enforcement Center to speak with Detectives.&nbsp;As a result of the investigation, Bryant was arrested and booked into theShawnee County Department of Corrections on requested charges of Aggravated Battery.

Kansas man jailed for knife attack that hospitalized 2 victims

A year after St. Luke’s joined BJC Healthcare in St. Louis, tax filings show the Kansas City hospital system gave top executives big bonuses and retirement windfalls

BY:&nbsp;<a href="https://missouriindependent.com/author/suzanneking/">SUZANNE KING</a>

Bigger bonuses, higher executive salaries and a few eye-popping retirement payouts. That’s how St. Luke’s Health System closed the books on its final year as a nonprofit independent hospital chain, according to recent tax filings.

The $2.5 billion hospital system, which&nbsp;<a href="https://thebeaconnews.org/stories/2024/01/09/st-lukes-merger-with-a-st-louis-hospital-system/" target="_blank">merged</a>&nbsp;with St. Louis-based nonprofit BJC Healthcare at the start of 2024, paid one-third more in bonuses and incentives to its top-earning employees in 2023 compared to the previous year. Combined total compensation for those employees, whose salaries are included in the hospital system’s&nbsp;<a href="https://projects.propublica.org/nonprofits/organizations/431747502/202413199349314861/IRS990ScheduleJ" target="_blank">990 tax filings</a>, was up 27%.

Not surprisingly, executives at the top of the organizational chart saw the biggest paydays.

St. Luke’s did not respond to requests for comment.

While noteworthy, the health system’s compensation packages are consistent with the broader nonprofit health care ecosystem. For decades, the trend has been to pay top hospital executives higher salaries as hospitals and health systems consolidate.

In that context, executive salaries paid during St. Luke’s last year as a standalone system are unsurprising. When compared with executives at other nonprofit systems, they aren’t even exceptional.

In 2021, nonprofit hospital systems Sentara Healthcare, CommonSpirit Health and Nuvance Health each paid their CEOs more than $30 million in total compensation,&nbsp;<a href="https://lowninstitute.org/what-do-the-highest-paid-nonprofit-hospital-ceos-have-in-common/" target="_blank">according to</a>&nbsp;the Lown Institute, a nonpartisan health care think tank.

Across the board, executive salaries at nonprofit hospitals are rising, surpassing what average hospital workers make caring for patients by ever-growing margins.

In a&nbsp;<a href="https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC11268666/#:~:text=In%202012%2C%20CEOs%20of%20independent,%2C%20only%20a%202.3%25%20increase." target="_blank">study</a>&nbsp;released last year, economists at Rice University found that CEO pay at independent hospitals and health systems jumped 30% between 2012 and 2019, from an average of around $996,000 in 2019 dollars to $1.3 million. Registered nurses, by contrast, had mean wage growth of 2.3% over the same period, from $75,652 in 2019 dollars to $77,460.

Dr. Vikas Saini, Lown Institute president, said surging executive pay packages at nonprofit hospitals have been a long time coming. When Medicare was created in the 1960s, more people were insured, so hospitals gained a new source of revenue.

Saini argued in an&nbsp;<a href="https://www.healthaffairs.org/content/forefront/nonprofit-hospital-ceo-compensation-much-enough" target="_blank">article</a>&nbsp;published in Health Affairs that more revenue led to shifting attitudes in health care. Hospitals drifted from community-focused nonprofits toward behaving like big businesses. They added more corporate leaders to their boards, who made financial gains a newly important part of their mission.

“We pretend that hospitals are like other businesses,” he said. “It’s true, we don’t want them losing money. We do want them to be solvent. But there’s a difference between being solvent and serving the community and going all out like a business to maximize your revenue.”

And along with the shift in attitudes about hospitals’ missions came highly paid executives.

Derek Jenkins, a health economist at Rice University, said he and his colleagues are studying whether the growing salaries are associated with better hospital quality. The answer is unclear. But another correlation is hard to dispute.

“It’s definitely fair to say that higher profit (at the hospital) is associated with higher compensation,” he said.

Surging compensation and consolidation go hand in hand

That’s why most experts agree the trend toward higher executive pay goes hand-in-hand with a wave of hospital mergers that has led to far fewer stand-alone, community hospitals and the emergence of larger systems.

In 2022, seven out of 10 hospitals&nbsp;<a href="https://www.kff.org/health-costs/issue-brief/one-or-two-health-systems-controlled-the-entire-market-for-inpatient-hospital-care-in-nearly-half-of-metropolitan-areas-in-2022/" target="_blank">were parts</a>&nbsp;of larger systems, compared to just over half of hospitals in 2010. Last year, health systems announced&nbsp;<a href="https://www.kaufmanhall.com/insights/infographic/hospital-and-health-system-ma-trends-2024#:~:text=With%2072%20announced%20transactions%20in,leading%20up%20to%20the%20pandemic." target="_blank">72 mergers</a>, the most since 2020 when 79 were announced. St. Luke’s merger with BJC was one of 65 planned in 2023.

Hospitals argue that they need to merge to compete. They point to market forces like an insurance industry that controls prices and argue they will be stronger if they are bigger.

When St. Luke’s and BJC&nbsp;<a href="https://www.bjc.org/news/bjc-and-saint-lukes-health-systems-reach-definitive-agreement-combine-and-accelerate-shared" target="_blank">announced</a>&nbsp;they had reached a definitive agreement to merge in late 2023, the hospitals said becoming Missouri’s largest hospital system would help them recruit top talent, bolster medical research and help them address health care disparities.

In reality, some economists say, the cost of care goes up when mergers reduce hospital competition. Even mergers between hospitals that don’t compete in the same market can lead to higher prices for patients, some&nbsp;<a href="https://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/10.1086/724841" target="_blank">studies</a>&nbsp;have found.

But while there is no consensus about how hospital consolidation helps or hurts hospitals and patients, there is wide agreement about what it does to executive pay.

In fact, Lawton Robert Burns, a professor of health care management at the University of Pennsylvania’s Wharton School, argues that higher CEO compensation that results from mergers is the primary driver of consolidation.

“You get bigger systems and bigger systems have bigger pay,” he said. “It has nothing to do with quality or access or other things they say. … It’s all designed to enrich themselves.”

Nonprofit hospitals argue they need to pay more to attract top executive talent. They can’t provide stock options like their publicly traded counterparts, but they can pay large incentive bonuses, offer&nbsp;<a href="https://lowninstitute.org/housing-retirement-and-other-perks-for-hospital-ceos/" target="_blank">housing perks</a>&nbsp;and set up and fund deferred retirement plans for top executives.

SERPs, also known as “top-hat” plans, allow select employees to defer income before paying taxes. According to the Lown Institute, hospitals often fund them through cash value life insurance purchased by the hospital or company providing the plan.

Similar to a 401(k) retirement plan, which is typically available to every employee in an organization, income is invested in SERPs before taxes are paid. Taxes are only due once money is withdrawn.

But unlike 401(k)s and other retirement plans known as qualified plans, top-hat plans don’t limit participants’ annual contributions. That means the eventual payout has the potential to be much bigger.

In a&nbsp;<a href="https://ips-dc.org/report-a-tale-of-two-retirements-2023/" target="_blank">study</a>&nbsp;of top-hat plans in private industry, the Institute for Policy Studies found marked income disparities, even between top-earning CEOs who have access to SERPs and those who don’t.

The study crunched the numbers for two theoretical CEOs who each invested $1 million a year over seven years. Researchers found that the CEO with a top-hat plan, who didn’t have to pay taxes up front, could potentially earn $6.6 million from the investment. But the executive who had to pay income taxes before investing the money would come out with $5.3 million.

Of course, a regular employee with access to a 401(k) or other tax-deferred retirement plan has far less income potential. Even if an employee has enough of their paycheck left over to invest the maximum allowed, that maximum contribution by law was only $23,000 in 2024. (Workers who are at least 50 years old can make additional catch-up contributions.)

Sarah Anderson, an author of the Institute for Policy Studies’ report on top-hat plans, said the disparity in retirement benefits is another example of the vast wealth gap between executives at the tops of organizations and the employees who work there. And that gap also applies to nonprofit hospitals.

Until relatively recently, many employers maintained pension plans to fund employees’ retirements. Employers made the financial investment, and employees were guaranteed payments once they retired. St. Luke’s discontinued its pension plan at the end of 2021, according to an independent&nbsp;<a href="https://projects.propublica.org/nonprofits/display_audit/21351420221" target="_blank">audit</a>&nbsp;report.

But as labor unions lost power, Anderson said, pension plans were replaced by defined benefit plans like 401(k)s “where burden and risk is on individual employees,” she said.

Meanwhile, top executives who qualify for top-hat plans have comparatively enormous retirement accounts.

“You know, there’s a number beyond which it’s not about food on the table or making sure your kids can afford to go to college, or even that you have a vacation home,” Saini said. “There’s a number beyond which you have all that, and at that point, what is the point?”

This&nbsp;<a href="https://thebeaconnews.org/stories/2025/02/13/st-lukes-merger-came-with-higher-executive-pay/" target="_blank">article</a>&nbsp;first appeared on&nbsp;<a href="https://thebeaconnews.org/" target="_blank">Beacon: Kansas City</a>&nbsp;and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

<figure>
 <img src="https://media.eaglewebservices.com/public/2024/1/1704817626179.png" alt="&nbsp;St. Luke’s executives landed bigger bonuses and retirement windfalls in 2023 (Suzanne King/The Beacon)." />
 <figcaption>&nbsp;St. Luke’s executives landed bigger bonuses and retirement windfalls in 2023 (Suzanne King/The Beacon).</figcaption>
 </figure><h2>A year after St. Luke’s joined BJC Healthcare in St. Louis, tax filings show the Kansas City hospital system gave top executives big bonuses and retirement windfalls</h2>BY:&nbsp;<a href="https://missouriindependent.com/author/suzanneking/">SUZANNE KING</a>Bigger bonuses, higher executive salaries and a few eye-popping retirement payouts. That’s how St. Luke’s Health System closed the books on its final year as a nonprofit independent hospital chain, according to recent tax filings.The $2.5 billion hospital system, which&nbsp;<a href="https://thebeaconnews.org/stories/2024/01/09/st-lukes-merger-with-a-st-louis-hospital-system/" target="_blank">merged</a>&nbsp;with St. Louis-based nonprofit BJC Healthcare at the start of 2024, paid one-third more in bonuses and incentives to its top-earning employees in 2023 compared to the previous year. Combined total compensation for those employees, whose salaries are included in the hospital system’s&nbsp;<a href="https://projects.propublica.org/nonprofits/organizations/431747502/202413199349314861/IRS990ScheduleJ" target="_blank">990 tax filings</a>, was up 27%.Not surprisingly, executives at the top of the organizational chart saw the biggest paydays.<ul>
 <li>Dr. Melinda Estes, who retired as CEO when the merger was completed, had total compensation of $4.4 million, including a $2 million base salary, a $1.57 million bonus (46% bigger than the previous year’s) and a $752,000 payout from a supplemental executive retirement plan (SERP).</li>
 </ul><ul>
 <li>Chief Financial Officer Chuck V. Robb, who now is chief financial officer at BJC, pulled in total compensation of $7.8 million, thanks in large part to a $5.66 million retirement plan payout. (Robb had worked for St. Luke’s for three decades.) Meanwhile, his 2023 bonus of $1.17 million, more than three times his 2022 bonus, was more than his $747,000 base salary.</li>
 </ul><ul>
 <li>And Julie Quirin, who became St. Luke’s president at the end of 2023 and is now president of BJC’s western region, got total compensation of just under $1.9 million in 2023, including $960,000 base pay and a $521,000 bonus (24% more than the previous year).</li>
 </ul>St. Luke’s did not respond to requests for comment.While noteworthy, the health system’s compensation packages are consistent with the broader nonprofit health care ecosystem. For decades, the trend has been to pay top hospital executives higher salaries as hospitals and health systems consolidate.<h2>A wave of big payouts</h2>In that context, executive salaries paid during St. Luke’s last year as a standalone system are unsurprising. When compared with executives at other nonprofit systems, they aren’t even exceptional.In 2021, nonprofit hospital systems Sentara Healthcare, CommonSpirit Health and Nuvance Health each paid their CEOs more than $30 million in total compensation,&nbsp;<a href="https://lowninstitute.org/what-do-the-highest-paid-nonprofit-hospital-ceos-have-in-common/" target="_blank">according to</a>&nbsp;the Lown Institute, a nonpartisan health care think tank.Across the board, executive salaries at nonprofit hospitals are rising, surpassing what average hospital workers make caring for patients by ever-growing margins.In a&nbsp;<a href="https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC11268666/#:~:text=In%202012%2C%20CEOs%20of%20independent,%2C%20only%20a%202.3%25%20increase." target="_blank">study</a>&nbsp;released last year, economists at Rice University found that CEO pay at independent hospitals and health systems jumped 30% between 2012 and 2019, from an average of around $996,000 in 2019 dollars to $1.3 million. Registered nurses, by contrast, had mean wage growth of 2.3% over the same period, from $75,652 in 2019 dollars to $77,460.Dr. Vikas Saini, Lown Institute president, said surging executive pay packages at nonprofit hospitals have been a long time coming. When Medicare was created in the 1960s, more people were insured, so hospitals gained a new source of revenue.Saini argued in an&nbsp;<a href="https://www.healthaffairs.org/content/forefront/nonprofit-hospital-ceo-compensation-much-enough" target="_blank">article</a>&nbsp;published in Health Affairs that more revenue led to shifting attitudes in health care. Hospitals drifted from community-focused nonprofits toward behaving like big businesses. They added more corporate leaders to their boards, who made financial gains a newly important part of their mission.“We pretend that hospitals are like other businesses,” he said. “It’s true, we don’t want them losing money. We do want them to be solvent. But there’s a difference between being solvent and serving the community and going all out like a business to maximize your revenue.”And along with the shift in attitudes about hospitals’ missions came highly paid executives.Derek Jenkins, a health economist at Rice University, said he and his colleagues are studying whether the growing salaries are associated with better hospital quality. The answer is unclear. But another correlation is hard to dispute.“It’s definitely fair to say that higher profit (at the hospital) is associated with higher compensation,” he said.<h2>Surging compensation and consolidation go hand in hand</h2>That’s why most experts agree the trend toward higher executive pay goes hand-in-hand with a wave of hospital mergers that has led to far fewer stand-alone, community hospitals and the emergence of larger systems.In 2022, seven out of 10 hospitals&nbsp;<a href="https://www.kff.org/health-costs/issue-brief/one-or-two-health-systems-controlled-the-entire-market-for-inpatient-hospital-care-in-nearly-half-of-metropolitan-areas-in-2022/" target="_blank">were parts</a>&nbsp;of larger systems, compared to just over half of hospitals in 2010. Last year, health systems announced&nbsp;<a href="https://www.kaufmanhall.com/insights/infographic/hospital-and-health-system-ma-trends-2024#:~:text=With%2072%20announced%20transactions%20in,leading%20up%20to%20the%20pandemic." target="_blank">72 mergers</a>, the most since 2020 when 79 were announced. St. Luke’s merger with BJC was one of 65 planned in 2023.Hospitals argue that they need to merge to compete. They point to market forces like an insurance industry that controls prices and argue they will be stronger if they are bigger.When St. Luke’s and BJC&nbsp;<a href="https://www.bjc.org/news/bjc-and-saint-lukes-health-systems-reach-definitive-agreement-combine-and-accelerate-shared" target="_blank">announced</a>&nbsp;they had reached a definitive agreement to merge in late 2023, the hospitals said becoming Missouri’s largest hospital system would help them recruit top talent, bolster medical research and help them address health care disparities.In reality, some economists say, the cost of care goes up when mergers reduce hospital competition. Even mergers between hospitals that don’t compete in the same market can lead to higher prices for patients, some&nbsp;<a href="https://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/10.1086/724841" target="_blank">studies</a>&nbsp;have found.But while there is no consensus about how hospital consolidation helps or hurts hospitals and patients, there is wide agreement about what it does to executive pay.In fact, Lawton Robert Burns, a professor of health care management at the University of Pennsylvania’s Wharton School, argues that higher CEO compensation that results from mergers is the primary driver of consolidation.“You get bigger systems and bigger systems have bigger pay,” he said. “It has nothing to do with quality or access or other things they say. … It’s all designed to enrich themselves.”<h2>Inside ‘top-hat plans’</h2>Nonprofit hospitals argue they need to pay more to attract top executive talent. They can’t provide stock options like their publicly traded counterparts, but they can pay large incentive bonuses, offer&nbsp;<a href="https://lowninstitute.org/housing-retirement-and-other-perks-for-hospital-ceos/" target="_blank">housing perks</a>&nbsp;and set up and fund deferred retirement plans for top executives.SERPs, also known as “top-hat” plans, allow select employees to defer income before paying taxes. According to the Lown Institute, hospitals often fund them through cash value life insurance purchased by the hospital or company providing the plan.Similar to a 401(k) retirement plan, which is typically available to every employee in an organization, income is invested in SERPs before taxes are paid. Taxes are only due once money is withdrawn.But unlike 401(k)s and other retirement plans known as qualified plans, top-hat plans don’t limit participants’ annual contributions. That means the eventual payout has the potential to be much bigger.In a&nbsp;<a href="https://ips-dc.org/report-a-tale-of-two-retirements-2023/" target="_blank">study</a>&nbsp;of top-hat plans in private industry, the Institute for Policy Studies found marked income disparities, even between top-earning CEOs who have access to SERPs and those who don’t.The study crunched the numbers for two theoretical CEOs who each invested $1 million a year over seven years. Researchers found that the CEO with a top-hat plan, who didn’t have to pay taxes up front, could potentially earn $6.6 million from the investment. But the executive who had to pay income taxes before investing the money would come out with $5.3 million.Of course, a regular employee with access to a 401(k) or other tax-deferred retirement plan has far less income potential. Even if an employee has enough of their paycheck left over to invest the maximum allowed, that maximum contribution by law was only $23,000 in 2024. (Workers who are at least 50 years old can make additional catch-up contributions.)Sarah Anderson, an author of the Institute for Policy Studies’ report on top-hat plans, said the disparity in retirement benefits is another example of the vast wealth gap between executives at the tops of organizations and the employees who work there. And that gap also applies to nonprofit hospitals.Until relatively recently, many employers maintained pension plans to fund employees’ retirements. Employers made the financial investment, and employees were guaranteed payments once they retired. St. Luke’s discontinued its pension plan at the end of 2021, according to an independent&nbsp;<a href="https://projects.propublica.org/nonprofits/display_audit/21351420221" target="_blank">audit</a>&nbsp;report.But as labor unions lost power, Anderson said, pension plans were replaced by defined benefit plans like 401(k)s “where burden and risk is on individual employees,” she said.Meanwhile, top executives who qualify for top-hat plans have comparatively enormous retirement accounts.“You know, there’s a number beyond which it’s not about food on the table or making sure your kids can afford to go to college, or even that you have a vacation home,” Saini said. “There’s a number beyond which you have all that, and at that point, what is the point?”This&nbsp;<a href="https://thebeaconnews.org/stories/2025/02/13/st-lukes-merger-came-with-higher-executive-pay/" target="_blank">article</a>&nbsp;first appeared on&nbsp;<a href="https://thebeaconnews.org/" target="_blank">Beacon: Kansas City</a>&nbsp;and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

Missouri hospital mergers come with one inevitable: Bigger executive paychecks

LEAVENWORTH COUNTY—One person died in an accident just after 5 p.m. Friday in Leavenworth County.

The Kansas Highway Patrol reported a 2018 Nissan Altima driven by Elania King, 17, Topeka, was eastbound on Interstate 70 near Bonner Springs. As the Nissan passed a 2024 Isuzu driven by Gabino Garcia, 53, Kansas City, Kansas, the Nissan drifted and collided with the Isuzu.

The impact cause Garcia to lose control of the Isuzu. The vehicle traveled across the eastbound lanes and over the median barrier wall.&nbsp; The Izusu then collided with a 2018 Acura ILX driven by George Barrett, 63, Abilene, in the westbound lanes of the Interstate.&nbsp;&nbsp;

After impact with the Acura, the Izusu rolled and collided with a 2019 Infinity X50 driven by Douglas McCann, 54, Kansas City, Missouri, in the outside lane of westbound traffic.

EMS transported Garcia, McCann and a passenger in the Infinity identified as Lili McCann, 50, Kansas City, Missouri, to KU Medical Center where she was pronounced deceased.&nbsp; EMS transported King to Children's Mercy.&nbsp; The other drivers&nbsp; and three juveniles in the Nissan were not injured.&nbsp; All eight were properly restrained, according to the KHP.

LEAVENWORTH COUNTY—One person died in an accident just after 5 p.m. Friday in Leavenworth County.The Kansas Highway Patrol reported a 2018 Nissan Altima driven by Elania King, 17, Topeka, was eastbound on Interstate 70 near Bonner Springs. As the Nissan passed a 2024 Isuzu driven by Gabino Garcia, 53, Kansas City, Kansas, the Nissan drifted and collided with the Isuzu.The impact cause Garcia to lose control of the Isuzu. The vehicle traveled across the eastbound lanes and over the median barrier wall.&nbsp; The Izusu then collided with a 2018 Acura ILX driven by George Barrett, 63, Abilene, in the westbound lanes of the Interstate.&nbsp;&nbsp;After impact with the Acura, the Izusu rolled and collided with a 2019 Infinity X50 driven by Douglas McCann, 54, Kansas City, Missouri, in the outside lane of westbound traffic.EMS transported Garcia, McCann and a passenger in the Infinity identified as Lili McCann, 50, Kansas City, Missouri, to KU Medical Center where she was pronounced deceased.&nbsp; EMS transported King to Children's Mercy.&nbsp; The other drivers&nbsp; and three juveniles in the Nissan were not injured.&nbsp; All eight were properly restrained, according to the KHP.

Missouri woman dies after 4-vehicle I-70 crash

KANSAS CITY, Mo. – A former Kansas City, Mo., police officer who ran an anti-crime charity has been convicted in federal court of a scheme in which he spent more than $200,000 in donations for his own personal expenses.

Aaron Wayne McKie, 47, was found guilty on Thursday, Feb. 20, of nine counts of wire fraud and one count of money laundering. McKie worked as a police officer for the Kansas City, Mo., Police Department for 24 years, assigned as a police officer to the Crime Free Multi-Housing section from 2002 through 2023.

McKie served from 2009 to 2023 as president of Mid-America Crime Free, Inc. (MACF), a non-profit organization that claimed to provide training to persons in the rental housing industry and promote anti-crime programs. He was an officer of the charity for three years prior, from 2006 to 2009.

Evidence produced during the trial indicated that McKie devised a scheme to defraud MACF and its donors that began in July 2009 and lasted until October 2023. Individuals and businesses contributed $387,620 to MACF, not including in-kind donations. McKie spent at least $200,060 for his own personal purposes.

The biggest source of MACF funds was an annual golf tournament, “Fairways 4 Fuzz Golf Tournament.” Individuals and businesses donated both money and in-kind donations, such as food and beverages, to MACF via the golf tournament. At least 121 donors have been identified.

From 2009 to 2023, the flyers soliciting donations and players for the tournament claimed the funds raised would enable MACF to provide free seminars to owners of rental properties and train police officers. In reality, those claims were false. The Kansas City Police Department paid the salaries and expenses of Crime Free Multi-Housing unit officers who may have provided training to landlords; McKie used the majority of MACF funds for personal spending; and the IRS had revoked the organization’s tax-exempt status in 2010.

Under federal statutes, McKie is subject to a sentence of up to 20 years in federal prison without parole on each of the 10 counts on which he was convicted. The maximum statutory sentence is prescribed by Congress and is provided here for informational purposes, as the sentencing of the defendant will be determined by the court based on the advisory sentencing guidelines and other statutory factors. A sentencing hearing will be scheduled after the completion of a presentence investigation by the United States Probation Office.

Following the presentation of evidence, the jury in the U.S. District Court in Kansas City, Mo., deliberated for nine hours before returning guilty verdicts to U.S. Chief District Judge Beth Phillips, ending a trial that began Monday, Feb. 10.

This case is being prosecuted by Assistant U.S. Attorney Kathleen D. Mahoney and Special Assistant U.S. Attorney Amanda Hanson. It was investigated by the FBI and the Kansas City, Mo., Police Department.

<figure>
 <img src="https://media.eaglewebservices.com/public/2024/4/1714219569463.png" alt="" />
 <figcaption></figcaption>
 </figure>KANSAS CITY, Mo. – A former Kansas City, Mo., police officer who ran an anti-crime charity has been convicted in federal court of a scheme in which he spent more than $200,000 in donations for his own personal expenses.Aaron Wayne McKie, 47, was found guilty on Thursday, Feb. 20, of nine counts of wire fraud and one count of money laundering. McKie worked as a police officer for the Kansas City, Mo., Police Department for 24 years, assigned as a police officer to the Crime Free Multi-Housing section from 2002 through 2023.McKie served from 2009 to 2023 as president of Mid-America Crime Free, Inc. (MACF), a non-profit organization that claimed to provide training to persons in the rental housing industry and promote anti-crime programs. He was an officer of the charity for three years prior, from 2006 to 2009.Evidence produced during the trial indicated that McKie devised a scheme to defraud MACF and its donors that began in July 2009 and lasted until October 2023. Individuals and businesses contributed $387,620 to MACF, not including in-kind donations. McKie spent at least $200,060 for his own personal purposes.The biggest source of MACF funds was an annual golf tournament, “Fairways 4 Fuzz Golf Tournament.” Individuals and businesses donated both money and in-kind donations, such as food and beverages, to MACF via the golf tournament. At least 121 donors have been identified.From 2009 to 2023, the flyers soliciting donations and players for the tournament claimed the funds raised would enable MACF to provide free seminars to owners of rental properties and train police officers. In reality, those claims were false. The Kansas City Police Department paid the salaries and expenses of Crime Free Multi-Housing unit officers who may have provided training to landlords; McKie used the majority of MACF funds for personal spending; and the IRS had revoked the organization’s tax-exempt status in 2010.Under federal statutes, McKie is subject to a sentence of up to 20 years in federal prison without parole on each of the 10 counts on which he was convicted. The maximum statutory sentence is prescribed by Congress and is provided here for informational purposes, as the sentencing of the defendant will be determined by the court based on the advisory sentencing guidelines and other statutory factors. A sentencing hearing will be scheduled after the completion of a presentence investigation by the United States Probation Office.Following the presentation of evidence, the jury in the U.S. District Court in Kansas City, Mo., deliberated for nine hours before returning guilty verdicts to U.S. Chief District Judge Beth Phillips, ending a trial that began Monday, Feb. 10.This case is being prosecuted by Assistant U.S. Attorney Kathleen D. Mahoney and Special Assistant U.S. Attorney Amanda Hanson. It was investigated by the FBI and the Kansas City, Mo., Police Department.

Jury: Former KCPD officer guilty in $200K charity fraud scheme

BARTON COUNTY —Two people died in an accident just before 10:30a.m Friday in Barton County.

The Missouri State Highway Patrol reported a 2016 Kenworth semi driven by a 61-year-old Knob Knoster man was southbound on MO 43 twelve miles southwest of Lamar. The semi crossed the center line and struck a northbound 2021 Freightliner Box Truck driven by a 45-year-old Joplin man head-on.&nbsp; After impact the Box Truck caught fire.

Both drivers were pronounced dead at the scene.&nbsp; The Patrol no longer releases the identity of accident victims.

BARTON COUNTY —Two people died in an accident just before 10:30a.m Friday in Barton County.The Missouri State Highway Patrol reported a 2016 Kenworth semi driven by a 61-year-old Knob Knoster man was southbound on MO 43 twelve miles southwest of Lamar. The semi crossed the center line and struck a northbound 2021 Freightliner Box Truck driven by a 45-year-old Joplin man head-on.&nbsp; After impact the Box Truck caught fire.Both drivers were pronounced dead at the scene.&nbsp; The Patrol no longer releases the identity of accident victims.

2 Missouri men dead after head-on crash and fire

WASHINGTON —For the second time within 48 hours, the U.S. conducted a Bomber Task Force Mission in the Middle East on Thursday, demonstrating force projection capabilities and partner nation integration in the region, according to a statement from the U.S. Central Command.

Two B-52s from RAF Fairford, U.K., flew across Europe and six partner countries in CENTCOM's area of responsibility during their mission, which included aerial refueling and training missions at ranges. 

Additionally, one partner nation provided fighter escorts for the bombers throughout the mission.

U.S. forces conducted a similar Bomber Task Force Mission in the Middle East on Monday.

<figure>
 <img src="https://media.eaglewebservices.com/public/2025/2/1740081202044.png" alt="Photo U.S. Central Command" />
 <figcaption>Photo U.S. Central Command</figcaption>
 </figure>WASHINGTON —For the second time within 48 hours, the U.S. conducted a Bomber Task Force Mission in the Middle East on Thursday, demonstrating force projection capabilities and partner nation integration in the region, according to a statement from the U.S. Central Command.Two B-52s from RAF Fairford, U.K., flew across Europe and six partner countries in CENTCOM's area of responsibility during their mission, which included aerial refueling and training missions at ranges. Additionally, one partner nation provided fighter escorts for the bombers throughout the mission.U.S. forces conducted a similar Bomber Task Force Mission in the Middle East on Monday.

Show of force: Second U.S. bomber task force mission this week

An administrative hearing commission ruling concluded the company violated state law by importing hemp-derived THC concentrate from other states and adding it to Missouri-grown marijuana products

BY:&nbsp;<a href="https://missouriindependent.com/author/rebecca-rivas/">REBECCA RIVAS</a> <a href="https://missouriindependent.com/briefs/missouri-senate-committee-advances-bill-to-ban-texting-while-driving/">Missouri Independent</a>

The company at the center of a massive cannabis product recall in 2023 lost its appeal to get its license back on Tuesday, with Missouri’s administrative hearing commission concluding it had a “corporate culture of lax compliance with regulatory requirements.”

The scathing 137-page&nbsp;<a href="https://legacy.www.documentcloud.org/documents/25540171-delta-extraction-decision" target="_blank">ruling</a>, issued by Commissioner Carole Iles, comes almost a year after a&nbsp;<a href="https://missouriindependent.com/2024/03/07/three-day-hearing-reveals-behind-the-scenes-details-of-missouri-marijuana-recall/">three-day hearing</a>&nbsp;on the appeal filed by Robertsville-based Delta Extraction.&nbsp;

Iles agreed with the Missouri Division of Cannabis Regulation that the company’s practice of bringing in hemp-derived THC concentrate from other states and adding it to Missouri-grown marijuana products was a violation of state law.&nbsp;

Almost all of the reasons cited for&nbsp;<a href="https://missouriindependent.com/2023/11/16/cannabis-regulators-to-revoke-license-of-missouri-company-at-center-of-recall/">revoking Delta’s license</a>&nbsp;and pulling 60,000 marijuana products&nbsp;<a href="https://missouriindependent.com/2023/08/16/state-faces-pushback-from-missouri-marijuana-industry-over-product-recall/">off the shelves</a>&nbsp;were upheld. That list included failing to notify law enforcement immediately after someone broke into Delta’s Robertsville facility and stole the company’s server, just days after the state shut down its operation. The server included the only copy of Delta’s video surveillance files.

It also included allowing a contractor who was previously convicted of conspiracy to distribute cocaine to operate its facility on the weekends when he didn’t have a state-issued agent identification card. During that time, regulators say the contractor was using another Delta employee’s ID to enter the facility and logging information into the state’s system used to track and trace products, Iles wrote.

Chuck Hatfield, an attorney for Delta Extraction, said the company has no comment. A spokeswoman for the division said in an email to The Independent that the department is currently reviewing the decision.

The case has been widely watched by&nbsp;<a href="https://missouriindependent.com/2023/09/11/missouri-company-at-center-of-cannabis-recall-used-hemp-instead-of-marijuana-in-products/">companies</a>&nbsp;who had to&nbsp;<a href="https://missouriindependent.com/2023/10/06/companies-can-now-work-with-state-to-destroy-recalled-missouri-marijuana-products/">destroy the products</a>&nbsp;they purchased from Delta or have had them locked in vaults since the recall in August 2023.&nbsp;

The company’s challenge also posed major questions about whether the state has the authority to regulate intoxicating hemp products.&nbsp;

Delta Extraction admitted to importing<a href="https://missouriindependent.com/2023/09/25/missouri-cannabis-recall-hemp/">&nbsp;a large amount of THC-A</a>&nbsp;— a non-psychoactive compound of the cannabis plant that becomes intoxicating when heated — purportedly extracted from hemp plants. The company’s contractor,&nbsp;<a href="https://missouriindependent.com/2024/03/04/hearing-on-recall-of-60000-missouri-marijuana-products-set-to-begin/">Jason Sparks</a>, would mix it with a smaller amount of THC-A extracted from Missouri-regulated marijuana.&nbsp;

Delta argued the hemp-derived THC-A should fall under the same rules as added ingredients, like flavors or the non-intoxicating cannabis compound CBD, because hemp is not a federally controlled substance like marijuana.

But Iles wrote that THC-A becomes intoxicating through the exact same process no matter if it’s extracted from hemp or marijuana, so the state is correct in regulating the THC the same as marijuana.&nbsp;

That means it must be grown and manufactured in licensed Missouri facilities, Iles concluded, and tracked from the time the seed goes into the soil.

“THC originating from other sources is prohibited,” her order states.&nbsp;

Iles’ order outlined the timeline of how Delta came into a “partnership” with Sparks, who worked with the Oklahoma-based marijuana brand Conte.

In December 2021, Rachael Herndon, who was serving as Delta’s chief operations and compliance officer, learned that Conte had broken off its relationship with a different manufacturer and might be looking for a new partner. She met with Sparks to discuss Delta partnering with Conte to manufacture and sell its brand.

As part of their agreements, Iles’ ruling states that Conte licensed its brand to Delta, which at the time was called SLCC, and received a royalty for all products sold under the Conte brand in Missouri.

“The parameters of the arrangements were not entirely clear, but there were oral arrangements” between Delta and Sparks’ company SND Equipment Leasing LLC and Conte, Iles wrote.&nbsp;&nbsp;

Sparks became responsible for providing the unregulated THC-A oil to be used in the Conte products, Iles wrote, along with extracting and distilling the final THC distillate that would be incorporated into the Conte products. In a separate agreement, Sparks and Delta agreed that he’d manufacture a bulk distillate that was later sold to about 100 other Missouri manufacturers.&nbsp;

This operation at Delta’s facility took place on the weekends. Sparks, Conte owner Tania Conte and Conte employees would drive up from Oklahoma, Iles wrote, and up to 20 temporary workers were brought in by Sparks from the St. Louis area.&nbsp;

In August 2022, Sparks applied for an agent ID and submitted an offer of employment from Delta, signed by Herndon, in support of his application. It was denied because he had a disqualifying felony conviction. However, he was later issued an agent ID in June 2023, according to the division, because of a moratorium on FBI criminal background checks after recreational marijuana was legalized in December 2022.&nbsp;&nbsp;

Sparks was in the facility on a regular basis between February through July 2023 and never properly signed in or out of the visitor log, Iles wrote.&nbsp;

“Because Delta had to sponsor Sparks by making a written offer of employment for him to apply for the facility agent card, Delta knew that Sparks’ application for an agent card had been denied and the reason for it,” Iles wrote. “Because Sparks was central to the efforts of Delta to create the bulk distillate and Conte products, we conclude Sparks and Delta intentionally kept his name from appearing on the visitor log.”

The temporary workers Sparks hired also only wrote their first names in the log and didn’t include the purpose for being in the facility or times they were there.

“As with Sparks’ failure to sign the visitor log, we conclude this non-compliance was intentional,” Iles wrote. “Neither Sparks nor Tania Conte could identify the individuals who were doing the work. They were paid in cash and Sparks was vague on how or where he found the workers. For its part, Delta simply turned its facility over to SND and Conte for the weekends and did nothing to identify who was in the facility or monitor their compliance with the security requirements.”

Before May 2023, the unregulated THC-A oil Sparks was bringing into the Delta facility came from Sparks’ network of personal associates.

“Sparks believed it was derived from hemp,” Iles wrote.&nbsp;

Illes focused on what was produced between Feb. 3, 2023&nbsp;—&nbsp;when the initial recreational marijuana rules were in place&nbsp;— and August 2023.&nbsp;

To understand Delta’s alleged violation, Iles said it is necessary to first understand “the basics.”

The psychoactive chemical that produces the high consumers look for in marijuana products is tetrahydrocannabinol, otherwise known as THC.&nbsp;

“THC does not occur naturally in either the marijuana plant or the hemp plant,” she states. “THC-A does.”

THC-A is found in large amounts in marijuana plants and smaller amounts in hemp plants. By itself, it’s not intoxicating.&nbsp;

For example, if you eat a raw cannabis bud, you shouldn’t get high because the THC-A has not been heated yet, through a process called decarboxylation. That happens when you light a joint or bake pot brownies.

The THC-A oil used at Delta was extracted from hemp plants by sources outside Missouri, Iles wrote, not by Delta or Sparks in the Delta facility.&nbsp;

The oil was converted into THC before products were sold, she said. And that’s a major reason it violates state rules.

“It was not resold as THC-A,” she states.

Delta believed the company was compliant as long as “a single gram of THC sourced from a marijuana plant obtained from a licensed Missouri cultivator is included in a batch of product that might contain hundreds or thousands of grams of psychoactive THC” that come from hemp plants.

“This interpretation is unreasonable,” Iles wrote.&nbsp;

In a&nbsp;<a href="https://missouriindependent.com/2024/07/11/company-at-center-of-missouri-marijuana-recall-faces-20-million-lawsuit/">lawsuit</a>&nbsp;filed last year, Sparks’ group SND claimed Delta owes the company more than $13 million for producing about 1,100 liters of THC concentrate oil, or distillate, and other products.

A liter of 80% concentrated THC can make more than 70,000 individual gummies at 10mg THC a piece,&nbsp;<a href="https://missouriindependent.com/2023/09/11/missouri-company-at-center-of-cannabis-recall-used-hemp-instead-of-marijuana-in-products/">industry experts say</a>. That’s almost 80 million doses — or twice that amount if they’re 5mg THC gummies.

The company is also asking for $5 million in loss of revenue, after the state confiscated its extraction equipment that was inside Delta’s facility for five months.&nbsp;

SND has agreed to&nbsp;<a href="https://www.courts.mo.gov/cnet/cases/newHeader.do?inputVO.caseNumber=24AB-CC00164&amp;inputVO.courtId=SMPDB0004_CT20#docket" target="_blank">enter into arbitration</a>, and a hearing is scheduled for that case next month in Franklin County Circuit Court.

<figure>
 <img src="https://media.eaglewebservices.com/public/2023/10/1698531124512.png" alt="&nbsp;Delta Extraction argued the hemp-derived THC-A should fall under the same rules as added ingredients, like flavors or the non-intoxicating&nbsp; cannabis compound CBD, because hemp is not a federally controlled substance like marijuana (Rebecca Rivas/Missouri Independent)." />
 <figcaption>&nbsp;Delta Extraction argued the hemp-derived THC-A should fall under the same rules as added ingredients, like flavors or the non-intoxicating&nbsp; cannabis compound CBD, because hemp is not a federally controlled substance like marijuana (Rebecca Rivas/Missouri Independent).</figcaption>
 </figure><h2>An administrative hearing commission ruling concluded the company violated state law by importing hemp-derived THC concentrate from other states and adding it to Missouri-grown marijuana products</h2>BY:&nbsp;<a href="https://missouriindependent.com/author/rebecca-rivas/">REBECCA RIVAS</a> <a href="https://missouriindependent.com/briefs/missouri-senate-committee-advances-bill-to-ban-texting-while-driving/">Missouri Independent</a>The company at the center of a massive cannabis product recall in 2023 lost its appeal to get its license back on Tuesday, with Missouri’s administrative hearing commission concluding it had a “corporate culture of lax compliance with regulatory requirements.”The scathing 137-page&nbsp;<a href="https://legacy.www.documentcloud.org/documents/25540171-delta-extraction-decision" target="_blank">ruling</a>, issued by Commissioner Carole Iles, comes almost a year after a&nbsp;<a href="https://missouriindependent.com/2024/03/07/three-day-hearing-reveals-behind-the-scenes-details-of-missouri-marijuana-recall/">three-day hearing</a>&nbsp;on the appeal filed by Robertsville-based Delta Extraction.&nbsp;Iles agreed with the Missouri Division of Cannabis Regulation that the company’s practice of bringing in hemp-derived THC concentrate from other states and adding it to Missouri-grown marijuana products was a violation of state law.&nbsp;Almost all of the reasons cited for&nbsp;<a href="https://missouriindependent.com/2023/11/16/cannabis-regulators-to-revoke-license-of-missouri-company-at-center-of-recall/">revoking Delta’s license</a>&nbsp;and pulling 60,000 marijuana products&nbsp;<a href="https://missouriindependent.com/2023/08/16/state-faces-pushback-from-missouri-marijuana-industry-over-product-recall/">off the shelves</a>&nbsp;were upheld. That list included failing to notify law enforcement immediately after someone broke into Delta’s Robertsville facility and stole the company’s server, just days after the state shut down its operation. The server included the only copy of Delta’s video surveillance files.It also included allowing a contractor who was previously convicted of conspiracy to distribute cocaine to operate its facility on the weekends when he didn’t have a state-issued agent identification card. During that time, regulators say the contractor was using another Delta employee’s ID to enter the facility and logging information into the state’s system used to track and trace products, Iles wrote.Chuck Hatfield, an attorney for Delta Extraction, said the company has no comment. A spokeswoman for the division said in an email to The Independent that the department is currently reviewing the decision.The case has been widely watched by&nbsp;<a href="https://missouriindependent.com/2023/09/11/missouri-company-at-center-of-cannabis-recall-used-hemp-instead-of-marijuana-in-products/">companies</a>&nbsp;who had to&nbsp;<a href="https://missouriindependent.com/2023/10/06/companies-can-now-work-with-state-to-destroy-recalled-missouri-marijuana-products/">destroy the products</a>&nbsp;they purchased from Delta or have had them locked in vaults since the recall in August 2023.&nbsp;The company’s challenge also posed major questions about whether the state has the authority to regulate intoxicating hemp products.&nbsp;Delta Extraction admitted to importing<a href="https://missouriindependent.com/2023/09/25/missouri-cannabis-recall-hemp/">&nbsp;a large amount of THC-A</a>&nbsp;— a non-psychoactive compound of the cannabis plant that becomes intoxicating when heated — purportedly extracted from hemp plants. The company’s contractor,&nbsp;<a href="https://missouriindependent.com/2024/03/04/hearing-on-recall-of-60000-missouri-marijuana-products-set-to-begin/">Jason Sparks</a>, would mix it with a smaller amount of THC-A extracted from Missouri-regulated marijuana.&nbsp;Delta argued the hemp-derived THC-A should fall under the same rules as added ingredients, like flavors or the non-intoxicating cannabis compound CBD, because hemp is not a federally controlled substance like marijuana.But Iles wrote that THC-A becomes intoxicating through the exact same process no matter if it’s extracted from hemp or marijuana, so the state is correct in regulating the THC the same as marijuana.&nbsp;That means it must be grown and manufactured in licensed Missouri facilities, Iles concluded, and tracked from the time the seed goes into the soil.“THC originating from other sources is prohibited,” her order states.&nbsp;<h2>Weekend productions</h2><figure>
 <img src="https://media.eaglewebservices.com/public/2025/2/1740189622604.png" alt="A photo of Jason Sparks’ extraction equipment was among hundreds of documents state marijuana regulators submitted to the Administrative Hearing Commission as part of marijuana manufacturer Delta Extraction’s appeal of its license revocation (Screenshot of Exhibit X submitted by the Division of Cannabis Regulation)." />
 <figcaption>A photo of Jason Sparks’ extraction equipment was among hundreds of documents state marijuana regulators submitted to the Administrative Hearing Commission as part of marijuana manufacturer Delta Extraction’s appeal of its license revocation (Screenshot of Exhibit X submitted by the Division of Cannabis Regulation).</figcaption>
 </figure>Iles’ order outlined the timeline of how Delta came into a “partnership” with Sparks, who worked with the Oklahoma-based marijuana brand Conte.In December 2021, Rachael Herndon, who was serving as Delta’s chief operations and compliance officer, learned that Conte had broken off its relationship with a different manufacturer and might be looking for a new partner. She met with Sparks to discuss Delta partnering with Conte to manufacture and sell its brand.As part of their agreements, Iles’ ruling states that Conte licensed its brand to Delta, which at the time was called SLCC, and received a royalty for all products sold under the Conte brand in Missouri.“The parameters of the arrangements were not entirely clear, but there were oral arrangements” between Delta and Sparks’ company SND Equipment Leasing LLC and Conte, Iles wrote.&nbsp;&nbsp;Sparks became responsible for providing the unregulated THC-A oil to be used in the Conte products, Iles wrote, along with extracting and distilling the final THC distillate that would be incorporated into the Conte products. In a separate agreement, Sparks and Delta agreed that he’d manufacture a bulk distillate that was later sold to about 100 other Missouri manufacturers.&nbsp;This operation at Delta’s facility took place on the weekends. Sparks, Conte owner Tania Conte and Conte employees would drive up from Oklahoma, Iles wrote, and up to 20 temporary workers were brought in by Sparks from the St. Louis area.&nbsp;In August 2022, Sparks applied for an agent ID and submitted an offer of employment from Delta, signed by Herndon, in support of his application. It was denied because he had a disqualifying felony conviction. However, he was later issued an agent ID in June 2023, according to the division, because of a moratorium on FBI criminal background checks after recreational marijuana was legalized in December 2022.&nbsp;&nbsp;Sparks was in the facility on a regular basis between February through July 2023 and never properly signed in or out of the visitor log, Iles wrote.&nbsp;“Because Delta had to sponsor Sparks by making a written offer of employment for him to apply for the facility agent card, Delta knew that Sparks’ application for an agent card had been denied and the reason for it,” Iles wrote. “Because Sparks was central to the efforts of Delta to create the bulk distillate and Conte products, we conclude Sparks and Delta intentionally kept his name from appearing on the visitor log.”The temporary workers Sparks hired also only wrote their first names in the log and didn’t include the purpose for being in the facility or times they were there.“As with Sparks’ failure to sign the visitor log, we conclude this non-compliance was intentional,” Iles wrote. “Neither Sparks nor Tania Conte could identify the individuals who were doing the work. They were paid in cash and Sparks was vague on how or where he found the workers. For its part, Delta simply turned its facility over to SND and Conte for the weekends and did nothing to identify who was in the facility or monitor their compliance with the security requirements.”Before May 2023, the unregulated THC-A oil Sparks was bringing into the Delta facility came from Sparks’ network of personal associates.“Sparks believed it was derived from hemp,” Iles wrote.&nbsp;Illes focused on what was produced between Feb. 3, 2023&nbsp;—&nbsp;when the initial recreational marijuana rules were in place&nbsp;— and August 2023.&nbsp;<h2>The THC basics</h2><figure>
 <img src="https://media.eaglewebservices.com/public/2025/2/1740189582972.png" alt=" A group relaxes during the Green Light District Cannabis Crawl in St. Louis on April 20, 2023 (Rebecca Rivas/Missouri Independent)." />
 <figcaption> A group relaxes during the Green Light District Cannabis Crawl in St. Louis on April 20, 2023 (Rebecca Rivas/Missouri Independent).</figcaption>
 </figure>To understand Delta’s alleged violation, Iles said it is necessary to first understand “the basics.”The psychoactive chemical that produces the high consumers look for in marijuana products is tetrahydrocannabinol, otherwise known as THC.&nbsp;“THC does not occur naturally in either the marijuana plant or the hemp plant,” she states. “THC-A does.”THC-A is found in large amounts in marijuana plants and smaller amounts in hemp plants. By itself, it’s not intoxicating.&nbsp;For example, if you eat a raw cannabis bud, you shouldn’t get high because the THC-A has not been heated yet, through a process called decarboxylation. That happens when you light a joint or bake pot brownies.The THC-A oil used at Delta was extracted from hemp plants by sources outside Missouri, Iles wrote, not by Delta or Sparks in the Delta facility.&nbsp;The oil was converted into THC before products were sold, she said. And that’s a major reason it violates state rules.“It was not resold as THC-A,” she states.Delta believed the company was compliant as long as “a single gram of THC sourced from a marijuana plant obtained from a licensed Missouri cultivator is included in a batch of product that might contain hundreds or thousands of grams of psychoactive THC” that come from hemp plants.“This interpretation is unreasonable,” Iles wrote.&nbsp;In a&nbsp;<a href="https://missouriindependent.com/2024/07/11/company-at-center-of-missouri-marijuana-recall-faces-20-million-lawsuit/">lawsuit</a>&nbsp;filed last year, Sparks’ group SND claimed Delta owes the company more than $13 million for producing about 1,100 liters of THC concentrate oil, or distillate, and other products.A liter of 80% concentrated THC can make more than 70,000 individual gummies at 10mg THC a piece,&nbsp;<a href="https://missouriindependent.com/2023/09/11/missouri-company-at-center-of-cannabis-recall-used-hemp-instead-of-marijuana-in-products/">industry experts say</a>. That’s almost 80 million doses — or twice that amount if they’re 5mg THC gummies.The company is also asking for $5 million in loss of revenue, after the state confiscated its extraction equipment that was inside Delta’s facility for five months.&nbsp;SND has agreed to&nbsp;<a href="https://www.courts.mo.gov/cnet/cases/newHeader.do?inputVO.caseNumber=24AB-CC00164&amp;inputVO.courtId=SMPDB0004_CT20#docket" target="_blank">enter into arbitration</a>, and a hearing is scheduled for that case next month in Franklin County Circuit Court.

Delta Extraction loses appeal of its revoked license following Missouri cannabis recall

BY:&nbsp;<a href="https://kansasreflector.com/author/akaminski/">ANNA KAMINSKI</a>&nbsp; <a href="https://kansasreflector.com/2025/01/03/kansas-state-garden-city-cc-striving-to-shrink-bachelors-degree-educational-desert/?emci=8e6f56cf-3bca-ef11-88d0-0022482a9b45&amp;emdi=a9416bb1-82ca-ef11-88d0-0022482a9b45&amp;ceid=115039">Kansas Reflector</a>

TOPEKA — A Senate Democrat unsuccessfully attempted to insert “medicinal cannabis” among treatments allowed under a bill meant to broaden Kansans’ access to experimental drugs.

Democratic Sen. Cindy Holscher, who introduced Wednesday the amendment that would have legalized medicinal cannabis for terminally ill patients, later emphasized her intention was not to create a public medical marijuana program.

“I think most of you realize I would not bring something of that magnitude to an important bill like SB 250,” said Holscher, of Overland Park, Wednesday evening. “That amendment, rather, was to mirror what was approved by President Trump in the&nbsp;<a href="https://trumpwhitehouse.archives.gov/briefings-statements/president-donald-j-trump-sign-right-try-legislation-fulfilling-promise-made-expand-healthcare-options-terminal-americans/" target="_blank">Right to Try Act</a>, which is a very defined, narrow scope only for terminally ill patients.”

<a href="https://www.kslegislature.gov/li/b2025_26/measures/sb250/" target="_blank">Senate Bill 250</a>, introduced and carried on the Senate floor by Eudora Republican Sen. Beverly Gossage, would create the Right to Try for Individualized Investigative Treatments Act. Investigational treatments can also be referred to as experimental drugs, according to the U.S. Food and Drug Administration. The bill would permit people who are unable to find relief from rare, life-threatening or debilitating conditions to access individualized, genetics-based medical treatment. The drug trial evaluation system in the U.S. is designed to evaluate medications meant to help larger populations leaving behind drugs that can be individually tailored to a patient’s unique genetic makeup, Gossage said.&nbsp;

“Individualized treatments are being pioneered in the U.S. and abroad, but often patients in the U.S. travel thousands of miles,” she said.

The bill passed the Senate and is awaiting approval in the House.

Holscher supported the bill as a whole but voiced concerns.

“I don’t want to give people false hope,” she said, “yet I certainly would not stand in the way of a parent or individual trying to get medical help for a family member.”

Her amendment added medicinal cannabis to the list of treatments allowed under the definition of individualized investigative treatment.

Cannabis “has been found to have proven benefits for those with life-threatening or debilitating diseases,” Holscher said.&nbsp;

During floor debate on the amendment, Sen. Mike Thompson, a Shawnee Republican who sat on the two-day 2024 interim committee that evaluated the possibility of medical marijuana in Kansas, said adding legislation opens a door to unintended consequences.

“We’ve examined medical cannabis for quite some time,” Thompson said, “and the term medical cannabis is nothing but a marketing ploy.”

Medical marijuana is&nbsp;<a href="https://www.ncsl.org/health/state-medical-cannabis-laws" target="_blank">legal</a>&nbsp;in 39 states and Washington, D.C., and recreational use is legal in 24 states and Washington, D.C. Recreational use of marijuana is legal in 24 states and the District of Columbia. Kansas and Idaho are the only states without any form of marijuana legalization. In 2023, of the four proposed bills in&nbsp;<a href="https://klrd.gov/2024/12/18/medical-marijuana-update-2025/" target="_blank">Kansas</a>&nbsp;related to medical marijuana, one received a hearing and died in committee. In 2024, two were introduced and both died in committee.&nbsp;

Gossage admonished Holscher’s amendment after nine Democrats voted in favor and all 31 Republicans voted against it.&nbsp;

“I just think it’s tragic that we would turn a discussion on a right to try for individualized treatment for patients with ultra-rare, life-threatening, debilitating diseases that could be life-saving to a debate on so-called medical marijuana,” she said. “That should be a completely separate bill.”

<figure>
 <img src="https://media.eaglewebservices.com/public/2025/2/1740152824434.png" alt=" Sen. Cindy Holscher, an Overland Park Democrat on Dec. 2, 2024. (Sherman Smith/Kansas Reflector)" />
 <figcaption> Sen. Cindy Holscher, an Overland Park Democrat on Dec. 2, 2024. (Sherman Smith/Kansas Reflector)</figcaption>
 </figure>BY:&nbsp;<a href="https://kansasreflector.com/author/akaminski/">ANNA KAMINSKI</a>&nbsp; <a href="https://kansasreflector.com/2025/01/03/kansas-state-garden-city-cc-striving-to-shrink-bachelors-degree-educational-desert/?emci=8e6f56cf-3bca-ef11-88d0-0022482a9b45&amp;emdi=a9416bb1-82ca-ef11-88d0-0022482a9b45&amp;ceid=115039">Kansas Reflector</a>TOPEKA — A Senate Democrat unsuccessfully attempted to insert “medicinal cannabis” among treatments allowed under a bill meant to broaden Kansans’ access to experimental drugs.Democratic Sen. Cindy Holscher, who introduced Wednesday the amendment that would have legalized medicinal cannabis for terminally ill patients, later emphasized her intention was not to create a public medical marijuana program.“I think most of you realize I would not bring something of that magnitude to an important bill like SB 250,” said Holscher, of Overland Park, Wednesday evening. “That amendment, rather, was to mirror what was approved by President Trump in the&nbsp;<a href="https://trumpwhitehouse.archives.gov/briefings-statements/president-donald-j-trump-sign-right-try-legislation-fulfilling-promise-made-expand-healthcare-options-terminal-americans/" target="_blank">Right to Try Act</a>, which is a very defined, narrow scope only for terminally ill patients.”<a href="https://www.kslegislature.gov/li/b2025_26/measures/sb250/" target="_blank">Senate Bill 250</a>, introduced and carried on the Senate floor by Eudora Republican Sen. Beverly Gossage, would create the Right to Try for Individualized Investigative Treatments Act. Investigational treatments can also be referred to as experimental drugs, according to the U.S. Food and Drug Administration. The bill would permit people who are unable to find relief from rare, life-threatening or debilitating conditions to access individualized, genetics-based medical treatment. The drug trial evaluation system in the U.S. is designed to evaluate medications meant to help larger populations leaving behind drugs that can be individually tailored to a patient’s unique genetic makeup, Gossage said.&nbsp;“Individualized treatments are being pioneered in the U.S. and abroad, but often patients in the U.S. travel thousands of miles,” she said.The bill passed the Senate and is awaiting approval in the House.Holscher supported the bill as a whole but voiced concerns.“I don’t want to give people false hope,” she said, “yet I certainly would not stand in the way of a parent or individual trying to get medical help for a family member.”Her amendment added medicinal cannabis to the list of treatments allowed under the definition of individualized investigative treatment.Cannabis “has been found to have proven benefits for those with life-threatening or debilitating diseases,” Holscher said.&nbsp;During floor debate on the amendment, Sen. Mike Thompson, a Shawnee Republican who sat on the two-day 2024 interim committee that evaluated the possibility of medical marijuana in Kansas, said adding legislation opens a door to unintended consequences.“We’ve examined medical cannabis for quite some time,” Thompson said, “and the term medical cannabis is nothing but a marketing ploy.”Medical marijuana is&nbsp;<a href="https://www.ncsl.org/health/state-medical-cannabis-laws" target="_blank">legal</a>&nbsp;in 39 states and Washington, D.C., and recreational use is legal in 24 states and Washington, D.C. Recreational use of marijuana is legal in 24 states and the District of Columbia. Kansas and Idaho are the only states without any form of marijuana legalization. In 2023, of the four proposed bills in&nbsp;<a href="https://klrd.gov/2024/12/18/medical-marijuana-update-2025/" target="_blank">Kansas</a>&nbsp;related to medical marijuana, one received a hearing and died in committee. In 2024, two were introduced and both died in committee.&nbsp;Gossage admonished Holscher’s amendment after nine Democrats voted in favor and all 31 Republicans voted against it.&nbsp;“I just think it’s tragic that we would turn a discussion on a right to try for individualized treatment for patients with ultra-rare, life-threatening, debilitating diseases that could be life-saving to a debate on so-called medical marijuana,” she said. “That should be a completely separate bill.”

Kansas Democrat attempts to insert narrow medical marijuana legalization into treatment bill

ST. JOSEPH, Mo. – Small-scale food and farm entrepreneurs looking to strengthen their business and marketing strategies can participate in the University of Missouri Extension’s upcoming webinar series, “Growing Success: Marketing and Business Development for Small Farms.” Running throughout March, this evening series is designed to provide participants with practical tools and resources to enhance their businesses.

ST. JOSEPH, Mo. – Small-scale food and farm entrepreneurs looking to strengthen their business and marketing strategies can participate in the University of Missouri Extension’s upcoming webinar series, “Growing Success: Marketing and Business Development for Small Farms.” Running throughout March, this evening series is designed to provide participants with practical tools and resources to enhance their businesses.Supporting Entrepreneurs with Actionable Insights“Farmers are experts in what they grow, but many struggle with the business side of their operations,” said Denice Ferguson, MU Extension Ag Business Specialist for Northwest Missouri. “These entrepreneurs are innovative, passionate, and eager to learn. They’re just short on time and need reliable, actionable information that they can immediately apply to their businesses.”The series will feature four interactive sessions, each addressing critical aspects of farm business development:<ul>
 <li>March 4 – "Cultivating Connections: Strategically Market Your Food and Farm Products"
Led by TaylorAnn Washburn, MU Extension Communications Strategist, this session will help participants craft targeted customer profiles, communicate their unique value, and utilize digital platforms to strengthen their marketing strategies.
</li><li>March 11 – "Will It Work? Assessing New Farm Products"
MU Extension Ag Business Specialist Katie Neuner will introduce online tools like AgSite and Intel for Ag to help attendees evaluate the viability of new products such as elderberries or pasture-raised pork.
</li><li>March 18 – "What Does It Cost My Farm to Sell in Different Markets?"
Dr. Mallory Rahe, MU Extension Ag Business Program Director, will guide participants through the Market Channel Cost Assessment Tool, helping them estimate marketing costs and determine the most profitable sales channels, including farmers markets, CSAs, and wholesale.
</li><li>March 25 – "Five Key Considerations as You Scale Your Business"
Denice Ferguson will lead an interactive session focused on assessing readiness for business growth, covering goal setting, financial capacity, labor needs, and operational efficiencies.
</li>
 </ul>Valuable USDA Support for Farm EntrepreneursThroughout the series, participants will also learn about resources available through the U.S. Department of Agriculture’s Farm Service Agency (FSA), which provides programs to support farm and food entrepreneurs at all stages of business development.“The FSA offers a range of programs and resources to assist farm and food entrepreneurs as they start or grow their businesses,” said Ferguson. “We want participants to know how FSA can support their journey.”For more details and to register, visit <a href="http://muext.us/growingsuccesswebinars">http://muext.us/growingsuccesswebinars</a>.This webinar series is funded in part by the U.S. Department of Agriculture’s Farm Service Agency through project award number FSA23CPT0012862.